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For reference, the specific class was "People of the US from 1865" (HIST 018). This paper was written in Chicago Style, using footnotes for citations, and has been adapted for Wattpad. The majority of this review SUMMARIZES the book, and therefore, "spoils" the author's thesis and arguments.
"Review The Lost Soul of the American Presidency by Stephen Knott. Begin with an introduction that explains your thesis, the author's thesis and credentials, and outlines the rest of your paper. Then most of your paper should be dedicated to summarizing the most important evidence that the author uses to support his thesis. In your last 2-3 paragraphs you should evaluate the author's use of evidence, compare the book with other books or articles (you can use McClay or JSTOR) on the subject, and conclude with a final evaluation of the book by discussing who would find it useful and why."
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Grade: 97.5%
Stephen F. Knott, professor of history at U.S. Naval War College and author of many books on the presidency (1), argues in his book The Lost Soul of the American Presidency: The Decline into Demagoguery and the Prospects for Renewal that "shifting presidential power away from its constitutional foundation toward a presidency of popular consent contributed to the decline of the office and of the American polity." (2) The framers held a clear idea of the power and character of the American president and established the government based on the Constitution. However, presidents such as Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, and Woodrow Wilson undermined the position and essentially destroyed the framer's outlook. There were a handful of presidents who were able to uphold the framer's ideals including Abraham Lincoln and Dwight D. Eisenhower. Despite this, the majority have taken a page from Jefferson's book in appealing to public opinion. In recent years, the destruction of the constitutional presidency has resulted in the epitome of demagoguery: Donald Trump. All of this in mind, Knott further argues that it may be possible to stop the decline of the American presidency by consolidating the framer's ideals.
The framers, primarily George Washington and Alexander Hamilton, had a clear view of the role of the president in the American government including their place within checks and balances as well as their character. They believed the power of the government and presidency stemmed from the Constitution not the will of the people. From the beginning, the founders were concerned with the possibility of a demagogue becoming the president (3). Hamilton rejected the idea that the people were always right (4). He stood for cool rationality over hot passions (5). Since demagogues and populists appealed to the public's current interests, they only provided short-term solutions versus long-term stability (6). Furthermore, as seen later, demagogues could persuade public opinion to fit their needs. The framers developed filters to protect the nation from demagogues and "refine popular sentiment" including the Senate (prior to 1913), the Electoral College, and other checks on the president's power and character (7). All in all, the framer's government was based on a respect for the rule of law (8), and the president was to uphold a dignified character to unite the people. As president, Washington hosted ceremonies and parades to excite the people, however, he did not form a personal relationship with the people (9). Additionally, Washington had a policy of remaining silent on current issues. This aligns with the Hamiltonian idea that the president themselves should act as a check against public opinion rather than bolster opinions with little thought (10). In this avenue, the framers recognized that if a president sided blindly with the popular opinions of the majority, they would disenfranchise the minority (11).
The Hamiltonian ideas set forth at the birth of the nation were quickly transformed by Thomas Jefferson and his successors. Once elected as the third president of the United States, Jefferson set the presidency on a track toward populism and demagoguery that persists through the present day (12). He argued for majority rule and believed in the "unlimited potential of mankind." (13) Jefferson ratified the party system and selection of a president and vice president candidate (14). All his actions sought to democratize the presidency. Regarding the Constitution itself, Jefferson believed that "the dead should not govern the living" and the power rested within the citizenry (15). His beliefs and actions began the erosion of the framer's precautions and ideas (16). This was only furthered by President Andrew Jackson. Jackson was able to turn the presidency into "the voice of the people" which completely undermined the government established by the framers (17). In his own way, Jackson was a founding father of inflating rhetoric and the resulting impossible promises (18). In the end, Jefferson and Jackson inspired the approaches of then future presidents such as Woodrow Wilson. As with his predecessors, Wilson believed in the power of the people democratizing the presidency (19). Furthermore, he sought to democratize the "entire American constitutional order" as he saw the document as out of touch with the current issues at hand (20). As with Jefferson, Jackson, and most presidencies of popularity, Wilson labeled his opponents as enemies (21). In the rising technological age, Wilson was able to begin the trend of manipulating public opinion to support his agendas and ego and reject his enemies (22). In this same vein, Wilson was unable to separate his personal feelings from the presidential position and policies (23). By the end of his terms, Wilson effectively demolished the Hamiltonian beliefs of early American and fundamentally rewrote how Americans view the presidency.
There were a few presidents who proved that a strong president did not need to engage in demagoguery. The foremost example is Abraham Lincoln who "epitomized Hamilton's conception of an energetic executive." (24) His modest nature and rejection of majoritarianism allowed him to make great strides in civil rights and the unification of the nation (25). After the age of Woodrow Wilson, Dwight D. Eisenhower was also able to use his subtle approach to exercise his presidential powers behind the scenes (26). He also understood the "art of silence" (from Washington) was necessary to avoid inciting passionate public opinions (27). However, likely due to the shifting in the perceived role of the presidency, Eisenhower suffered from low popular and scholarly appeal at the time (28).
Following Eisenhower is the line of presidents who continued to perpetuate the demagoguery and populist view of the presidency set forth by Jefferson, Jackson, and Wilson. As with the previous examples, there were those who broke the mold, however, few did. The presidents who framed their approach to presidency on Jefferson, Jackson, and Wilson often could not distinguish themselves from the presidential position, believed in conspiracy theories, labeled their opposers as enemies, used embellished rhetoric, and manipulated the public beliefs to fit their views—each becoming easier as technology advanced. For example, the relationship between presidents and the public grew closer and conspiracy theories became easier to spread with the expansion of the Internet (29).
Arguably as a predictable and "logical culmination of a century of experimentation with the Wilsonian presidency," Donald Trump was elected president and has "hastened the office's descent into a media-saturated, cultish, hyperpartisan, public-opinion pandering enterprise." (30) He holds all of the hallmarks of a demagogue: unable to distinguish himself from his temporary position, believer of conspiracies, a user of overstated promises, an antagonizer of his "enemies," and manipulator of the people (31). As the epitome of demagoguery, he has furthered these beliefs toward the role of the president and divided the nation. Although possible that Trump has issued irreparable damage and that someone worse could be ahead, it's equally possible that the downward trend is reversable (32).
In consolidating the framer's ideas and bringing them back to awareness, the demagoguery and populist slope the American presidency has descended can be reversed. Through the actions of Washington, Lincoln, and others who defied majority opinion "stand as monuments to the positive influence [of] the constitutional presidency." (33) Though the "odds are against recovering the soul of the American presidency," it is possible (34). This is especially so if the American public were to rediscover and become educated of the intention of the presidency and the government from the perspective of the framers (35). With an open mind, the citizenry can learn from the past to inform the future (36).
All in all, the evidence presented by Stephen F. Knott toward his thesis was convincing. His use of primary sources, as well as secondary analyses from historians, bolstered his credibility and refinement of the thesis. Although clear from his thesis, Knott's opinion of constitutional presidency versus populist presidency was furthered with phrases such as "rightly so." This book was far more succinct than a similar book—Land of Hope: An Invitation to the Great American Story by Wilfred M. McClay—and often stated that some ideas and happenings were "beyond the scope of this book." (37) Overall, this book gives a concise overview of the constitutional presidency and how it has degraded through the course of history. It also offers some opposing views within Knott's analyses of individual presidents. This is a good book to start learning of the framer's original intentions for the American presidency which thoughtfully aligns with the education aspect of Knott's ideas for reversing the descent.
(1) Stephen Tootle, "Book Review Movie" (lecture)
(2) Stephen F. Knott, The Lost Soul of the American Presidency: The Decline into Demagoguery and the Prospects for Renewal (2019), 307
(3) Ibid., 18
(4) Ibid., 21
(5) Ibid.
(6) Ibid., 23
(7) Ibid., 28
(8) Ibid., 35
(9) Ibid., 47
(10) Ibid., 48
(11) Ibid., 29
(12) Ibid., 54
(13) Ibid., 56
(14) Ibid., 57
(15) Ibid., 61
(16) Ibid., 82
(17) Ibid., 88
(18) Ibid., 91
(19) Ibid., 152
(20) Ibid.
(21) Ibid., 163
(22) Ibid., 164
(23) Ibid., 168
(24) Ibid., 112
(25) Ibid.
(26) Ibid., 214
(27) Ibid., 217
(28) Ibid., 218
(29) Ibid., 277
(30) Ibid., 283
(31) Ibid., 287
(32) Ibid., 298
(33) Ibid., 311
(34) Ibid., 312
(35) Ibid.
(36) Ibid.
(37) Ibid., 15, 138, 276