ON THE COMINFORM

5 Cominform and the question of people's democracy as a modern type of...

The vacillating attitude between the camp of the bourgeoisie and the camp of the proletariat is far from the class standpoint of the world proletariat and always corresponded to the essence of Menshevism, indeed always expressed the class standpoint of the petty bourgeoisie especially when these two camps clashed irreconcilably and with gigantic forces. It is clear: at no time in the history of socialism did the two camps, bourgeoisie and proletariat, clash so violently as precisely in the period of the capitalist and socialist world camps, had the wavering attitude of Menshevism never become such a great stumbling block as with the entry into the transitional phase from the capitalist to the socialist world, that is, under the post-war conditions of Stalinism. Thus, in the whole history of the CPSU (B), there was no more comparable bitter struggle against Menshevism than just at this time.

The slogan of the "democratic world camp" is a class conciliatory slogan which leads away from socialism and back to capitalism, which paves the way for the restoration of capitalism. Marxism-Leninism teaches that capitalism must be smashed by socialist revolution, that the revolutionary smashing of fascism must be combined with the direct aim of establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat - and this as the Albanians have demonstrated. It is to the credit of Stalin and Enver Hoxha that their Marxist-Leninist thesis of the revolutionary transition from fascism to socialism has been confirmed and proven in practice (and thus remains valid on a world scale !! ) and that this transition cannot possibly be guaranteed by a reformist popular front policy or reformist world democracy policy, in whatever form. So what does it mean today, validity of this Marxist-Leninist thesis under the conditions of globalisation ?

The Stalinists of today, we World Bolsheviks, are fighting for the transition of world fascism into world socialism with the help of the democratic world struggle. Today's anti-fascist struggle is in essence a world revolutionary class struggle under the leadership of the world proletariat to crush world fascism and to establish the world dictatorship of the proletariat. This is our demarcation line, this is the basis of our alliance policy for our globalised united front against world fascism. For us, there is only one anti-world fascist united front, namely the one led by the revolutionary world proletariat and leading directly to the conquest of its political world domination over world imperialism.

Those who deny this and instead follow the revisionist "two-stage theory" of restoring more moderate, "still tolerable" forms of government to the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie in order to get "from there" on the peaceful road to world socialism, allow fascism to inevitably develop again from bourgeois democracy. To justify this with "Marxism-Leninism" is social fascism, namely socialism in words and fascism in deeds. We Marxist-Leninists are not only opponents of this "stage theory" of the peaceful way to socialism on a national scale, we are even more so as internationalists on a world scale. There is no peaceful way of a democratic world camp to a socialist world camp, there is no peaceful way to world socialism as long as world imperialism dominates the world.

The communist fights only for the one democracy, namely for proletarian democracy, for the dictatorship of the proletariat, which does not exclude alliances and compromises on the way to it, but very much excludes such rotten alliances and compromises which lead away from the goal of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the anti-fascist struggle, one can fight for true democracy only on the basis of Marxism-Leninism, and this means nothing other than fighting for proletarian democracy, for socialism, for the dictatorship of the proletariat, and precisely not for the continuation or re-establishment of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Proletarian democracy is not divisible with the bourgeoisie; they are mutually exclusive. The disintegration and eventual elimination of bourgeois democracy is not a Bolshevik invention, but an absolute historical necessity and as inevitable as the victory of proletarian democracy. This is an irrefutable lesson of history, a confirmation of the teaching of Marxism. This is a line of demarcation against revisionism, which tries to adapt the democracy of the proletariat to capitalism, to subordinate it to it, to save and restore bourgeois democracy in order to turn it against the world proletariat.