5 - Development of Cuban social-fascism: since the early 90's until nowadays

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In 1993, Castroists leaders extended the comprehensiveness of their previous lawallowing the existence of "free economic zones" in Cuba through permitting foreignimperialist investments in virtually all economic sectors. This new law also widened thepossibilities offered by the previous Castroist law on "free economic zones" (which wehad already analyzed in this article) relatively to the possibility of setting up jointenterprises, of grating endless concessions, of providing guarantees againstnationalizations, of ensuring repatriation of all profits, etc. All this with the goal ofattract foreign imperialist penetration. As we have been concluding throughout this text,Castroist Cuba's commercial dependence always and invariably led to the dominationof foreign imperialism over social-fascist Cuba's political, social, economic andideological order. This is the truth about the so-called "Cuban socialism". 

In fact, Castroist Cuba's still remaining "socialistic" masks are mainly visible in officialphraseology, because in what respects to economic structure, it has been furtherabandoning state capitalism and is becoming an archetypal dependent country ofbourgeois-compradore type in which classic capitalism is applied. Consequently, statecapitalist sector is being severely reduced in Castroist Cuba. For example, accordinglywith official numbers, in 1989 state capitalism employed over 94% of Cuban workforcewhile in 1994 it not even employed 70% of workforce. And today, as we have alreadyrevealed, this percentage is even much more reduced. In 2005, the amount of imperialistcapitals in Cuba reached US$ 6 billion. Besides predominant Chinese imperialistinvasion, other capitalist powers such as Venezuela, Spain, Canada, Italy and France arealso strongly investing in Castroist capitalist system. This kind of imperialistpenetration is mainly made through joint enterprises in fields like energy, mining, etc.In spite of this, Cuban economy remains as monocultural, neo-colonial and backward asever, because investments are direct property of foreign imperialists and all profits takenby them through exploitation of Cuban resources, means of production and workforceare automatically and entirely repatriated to imperialists' respective countries.Supporters of Cuban revisionism around the world treacherously qualify thesebourgeois-capitalist-revisionist measures as being "a more efficient socialism", but intruth they are in total accord with exploitative class character of Castroist socialfascism. For example, the ultra-opportunist "Communist" Party of Australia publishedrecently an article in which was affirmed relatively to this issue that:

"(...) there is a need to "make a more efficient socialism". A high level of socialismproduces paternalism (...). Cuba has to continue its challenge to find the waybetween social justice and efficiency (...) increasing the non-state sector."(http://www.cpa.org.au/guardian/2013/1590/05-a-more-efficient-socialism.html,Documents of the "Communist" Party of Australia, The Guardian, Richard Titelius, Amore efficient socialism, 2013, version in English language) 

So, accordingly with Australian and Cuban revisionists, "socialism producespaternalism". Unfortunately for them, only capitalist and revisionist regimes like theones they support and defend produce paternalism. True socialism based on theteachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Enver Hoxha never produces any kind ofpaternalism. On the contrary, under it workers are entirely free in all revolutionary andcommunist senses. And what about so-called "social justice" in Castroist Cuba? Thisfalse impression that Cuban social-fascism would be a somewhat more "socially fairsociety" is nothing more than phoney propaganda fabricated by Castroist revisionistswith the aim of misleading world workers and proletarians keeping them away fromauthentically revolutionary Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism-Hoxhaism. Later on thisarticle, we will further develop this subject. 

Another problem affecting Castroist Cuba and which is typical from neo-colonialdependent nations is the existence of a black market of gigantic proportions. This issuecomes from the 1960's and is a cause of growing inequalities within Castroist society,with commercial intermediaries, service providers, tourisms' businessman, etc.fabulously enriching themselves while impoverished Cuban workers endure the harsheffects of Castroist pro-capitalist, pro-imperialist and anti-socialist policies [bourgeoiscompradore Cuba is also a very illustrative example of how corruption and nepotism areinevitably inherent to capitalist-revisionist system. In social-fascist Cuba, Fidel Castro'sposition was transferred to the hands of his brother Raul and many of the mostimportant positions (in the army, in the administration, etc.) are occupied by membersof the Castro family clan. Cuban social-fascist capitalist-revisionist and pro-imperialistbourgeoisie keeps them in such positions as a reward for the subservience andinestimable services that Castro family always performed and continues to perform inbenefit of Cuban social-fascist capitalist-revisionist and pro-imperialist exploitativeclasses, namely in what respects to repress Cuban working masses and to keep themsubjected to revisionist rule so that social-fascist bourgeoisie can maximize profits toitself, but foremost to its imperialist and social-imperialist bosses that keep Cubansocial-fascist capitalist exploiters and oppressors in power]. Indeed, in 2004, averagelife conditions of 1989 had still not been reached, and social inequalities areexperiencing an exponential increase due to the emergence of more bourgeois elementslinked to the penetration of imperialist capitals and to international commerce andtourism (prostitution is also a phenomenon widely spread in Cuba due to increasingpoverty and destitution which are inherent to the capitalist, exploitative and wageslavagist character of Castroist repressive, social-fascist pro-imperialist bourgeoisrevisionist society). There is an increasing abyss between Cuban workers employed inthe still existing state capitalist sector, whose life conditions are miserable, and themembers of Castroist bourgeoisie who exploit them and who enrich themselves throughserving the interests of imperialist penetration and of capitalist-bourgeois multinationalsoperating in Cuba. The fact that social-fascist Cuba's external debt towards capitalistimperialist world finance bourgeois class is nowadays of over US$ 27 billions(including debt towards Russia inherited from former Soviet social-imperialist neo-colonialist absolute control and dominance over Cuba) is also one of the main factorsdetermining the unprecedented growth of poverty among Cuban working masses.

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