The revisionists speak of "unity" while they deepen splitting!

I

In short: people would supposedly live better under revisionism than under Western capitalism. This is what the revisionists are peddling in order to regain a foothold. As a way out, the masses should not choose the proletarian revolution, but the old slovenliness of the revisionist system, which is to be modernised again. Or do they want something else? In any case, the revisionists who continue today have not practised a single word of self-criticism or admitted their defeat, their betrayal of Marxism-Leninism, of the revolution and the working class, of the people, let alone overcome it. The revisionists are not interested in this. They want unity, but they do not want to abandon their revisionist foundations. When their shameful deeds are brought to light, they cannot quench their thirst to recapture revisionist power, let alone regain influence in the labour movement. How can people who do not openly criticise their mistakes and betrayals still pretend to be Marxist-Leninists today ? They want 'unity in action' against imperialism. But as long as they do not really fight imperialism, there can be no unity of action with the revisionists.

By 'unity of action' they mean the unity of revisionism in the struggle against Marxism-Leninism.

But at present they do not want to go to extremes openly, otherwise their anti-Marxist cards would be revealed prematurely. Of course, they cannot openly glorify the past of the GDR either, they have to admit a certain degree of distance and (for them harmless) "admission of mistakes" in order not to be suspected of having played with marked cards and being out of business. The revisionists are currently adopting a tactically cautious approach so as not to be faced with their next shambles. What matters to them is "credibility" towards us Marxist-Leninists, but at the same time they are already openly threatening that a communist outside the revisionist movement today is in a lost position and lacks solidarity or is sectarian. What arrogance, what danger! This, in turn, is a slap in the face of those who are more skilful and tactically clever in positioning their deception. So the alleged return to Stalin's correct policy is the vilest hypocrisy and a desperate manoeuvre to infiltrate our ranks. Whether with a mallet or with sweet talk, the revisionists are only united against us Marxist-Leninists. So the question is posed to every communist as to what his position on revisionism is. Either with communism against revisionism or with revisionism to its downfall. Today is not the time for us to hesitate or to play tactics.

Those who do not reckon with revisionism, who do not burn the bridges ideologically, politically and organisationally, who do not overcome the feeling of sentimentality and unity (not to be confused with our true struggle for the unity of all Marxist-Leninists in a Bolshevik party), will be stranded and fail.

The upright Marxist-Leninists and all revolutionaries must unite and build a strong, revolutionary Marxist-Leninist party. We must oppose the revisionists with our true unity, that is our internationalist duty today. Everything else is and remains only the ideological and political product of the imperialist bourgeoisie.

The crisis of revisionism stems from the crisis of imperialism. Revisionism stands and falls with imperialism. Revisionism will suffer the fate of all agencies of the bourgeoisie within the labour movement. It will end under the ruthless blows of the working class and victorious Marxism-Leninism. Its end will also accelerate the cancer of the divergences and contradictions and splits that can currently be observed not only in Germany but also at the international level. The source of all evil is the imperialist world system itself, its aggressive policy of exploitation and oppression of the peoples. And one component of this system is social imperialism, which has taken on all the features of classical imperialism and has therefore disappeared from the scene by integrating itself into the open camp of the imperialists. The two-front struggle against the two superpowers has turned into a single one, which is an objective fact that forces us to take a new course. There are those who believe that social imperialism can delay the death of the old imperialism, and there are those who believe that social imperialism is a higher stage of imperialism, or a stage in which the old imperialism will be replaced by a new "fairer" imperialism or even by socialism - by itself, so to speak. The old theories of Kautsky's "ultra-imperialism" are being served up again in a new guise. In doing so, these people are making a crucial mistake. The hopes they place in the continued existence of imperialism, in whatever form, are hopeless. They cannot roll back history. Lenin was right a hundred times over when he said that imperialism is dying, rotting and parasitic capitalism and the eve of the socialist revolution. Today there are people who disguise themselves behind "Marxist" phrases, work with quotes taken out of context and in this way create new theories and talk about everything but revolution, who recommend everything to the proletariat, even the study of Marxism-Leninism, but not that it must rise up in violent revolution against today's world imperialism. The fronts have now become clearer and they continue to become clearer. The main contradictions between capital and labour, between the various financial groups of the imperialist powers, between the handful of ruling "civilised" nations and the hundreds of millions of colonial and dependent exploited and oppressed of the world, have remained in essence, but have intensified to such an extent that the conditions for proletarian revolution have become much more ripe than ever before. Historically, we are on the verge of the fortress of imperialism being definitively taken worldwide and not stopping at the gates of the imperialist centre. It will not only be a new Russian revolution that will be able to resolve these contradictions of imperialism, but this time the proletarian revolution will encompass the whole world, starting at the periphery of the imperialist powers and simultaneously reaching the metropolises, their innermost central nervous system. In such a situation, one cannot limit oneself to the national framework of the revolution without ignoring its revolutionary significance. Never before has the fate of humanity depended more clearly on the call of Marx and Engels: